ይኵኖ አምላክ/Yekuno Amlak – The Founder Of The Solomonic Dynasty
In the late 13th century AD, Emperor Yekuno Amlak overthrew the Zagwe Dynasty, establishing the Solomonic Dynasty, which would rule for around 700 years.
After the death of Lalibela, Nekauto-Le’ab held the throne for a brief amount of time, however, Yitbarek eventually mustered an army, overthrew him, and reclaimed the throne. This power struggle between Ne’akuto Le’ab and Yitbarek likely intensified internal discord, significantly weakening central authority and fostering the rise of factions opposed to Zagwe’s rule.
Yitbarek, the last emperor of the Zagwe dynasty1, is believed to have been the son of Emperor Lalibela, the most renowned ruler of the Zagwe era. Historical accounts suggest that Yitbarek played a significant role in the governance of the empire during the later years of his father’s reign, likely serving as a governor. However, there are conflicting narratives about his early life. A disputed manuscript, the Gedle Yitbarek (Life of Yitbarek), claims that Lalibela and his queen, Mesqal Kebra, forced Yitbarek to live in poverty in the Tigray region2. The authenticity of this manuscript remains disputed.
Family Tree Of The Zagwe Royal Family. Source: L’Enigme d’Une Dynastie Sainte Et Usurpatrice Dans Le Royaume Chretien d’Ethiopie, Xie-Xiiie Siecle (Hagiologia)
Also, oral tradition in the Seraye region of modern-day Eritrea holds that Yitbarek’s descendants, the Adkeme-Melga tribe, started migrating into the area during his lifetime. According to this tradition, Yitbarek was the grandfather of the tribe’s first ancestor3.
Why did Nekuato-Le’ab and Yitbarek have a conflict? One possible reason is that Nekuato-Le’ab, though only Emperor Lalibela’s nephew and not the direct heir to the throne, was a skilled general during Lalibela’s reign4. His appointment as governor of Lasta5 further strengthened his position in the royal court, facilitating his transition to power. On the other hand, Yitbarek, Lalibela’s son and the rightful heir, lacked such established authority, which may have delayed his ascension to the throne, thus animosity grew until the eventual confrontation between these two figures.
Painting at Biete Qeddus Mercoreus, at Lalibela. Source
During this period of instability in the late Zagwe Era, a strong anti-Zagwe sentiment in the Amhara region started to ferment and grow6. This opposition to the Zagwe dynasty can be traced back to several political and economic factors. For instance, the Amhara people, who lived in the southern regions of the Zagwe Empire, gained increase prominence during the 12th and 13th centuries. It is believed that Lalibela himself may have relied on the support of the Amharas to overthrow Harbay, a previous Zagwe ruler.
Additionally, the Amhara region emerged as an important economic hub due to its connections with the eastern port of Zeila. Zeila was a key centre of foreign trade, especially with southern Arabia. The Amhara people inhabited areas closer to Zeila compared to those who lived further north in the Zagwe heartland, thus placing them in a geographically more advantageous position, for trade7 . This growing self-sufficiency and importance of the amharas within the Zagwe kingdom, combined with the probable privileges granted to them after Lalibela’s rebellion, provided the Amhara nobility with greater leverage and influence in the Zagwe realm.
The southeastern region of Ethiopia, near Zeila, gained increasing prominence following the decline of the Aksumite Empire and throughout the Zagwe dynasty. Arab merchants frequently traded in the area, and some eventually settled there, gradually converting the local populace to Islam. This marked the foundation of the first known Islamic kingdom in the region—the Sultanate of Shoa—around the late 9th to 10th century AD, ruled by the Makhzumi dynasty8.
Lastly, evidence suggests there were migrations from Yemen into southern Ethiopia during the 11th-13th century AD, bringing wealth, knowledge, and skills9. It is noteworthy that Yemen was briefly ruled by the Najahid dynasty in the late 11th and 12th centuries AD, whose last ruler was reportedly of Amhara ethnicity10. This connection makes it highly likely that trade flourished between Yemen and southern Ethiopia via Zeila and other ports. These goods were then transported through Amhara traders who carried them further north into the highlands, thereby increasing the importance of this region’s role, in contrast, the influence of northern trade, such as through the Dhalak Islands diminished through the 12th & 13th century AD11.
Historian Taddesse Tamrat recounts one such mention of a wealthy Jewish Family that migrated from Aden to the land of the Amhara, during the Zagwe era12…. “In the period of the Zagwe kings, there came out a man, a Jew called Yosef from the country of Aden … He was a very rich and respectable man,, and settled at Elawz in the land of Amhara”.
Yekuno Amlak’s Rise to Power
Yekuno Amlak Roughly Translates To “May God Be His Protector”
Yekuno Amlak, a 13th-century figure from the Shewan region of Amhara, played a pivotal role in the overthrowing of the Zagwe dynasty and the “restoration” of the Solomonic dynasty. Tradition holds that Yekuno Amlak’s father was a descendant of Dil Na’od, the last emperor of the Aksumite Empire, which gave Yekuno Amlak a legitimate claim to the throne. Although the details of his life and rise to power are sparse and often shrouded in legend, two main accounts provide insight into his journey—the “Gedle Iyasus Mo’a” (Life of Iyasus Mo’a) and “Be’ela Nagastat” (Festival Of The Kings). I will first summarize the account of Yekuno Amlak in both texts and then give my educated guess on the events that occurred.
Yekuno Amlak, though unlikely to be a direct descendant of Dil Na’od, was still of noble lineage and connected to significant noble and priestly figures like Iyasus Mo’a. This connection makes it plausible that he shared some sort of lineage with the Aksumite royalty, however extremely far-removed.
Gedle Iyasus Mo’a
Iyasus Mo’a roughly translates to Father Jesus Victorious
Depiction Of Iyasus Mo’a, from Gospel Books of Iyäsus Moʾa. Source
In the “Gedle Iyasus Mo’a,” Yekuno Amlak’s father, Tesfa Yesus, became a fugitive after being persecuted by the Zagwe emperor. He sought refuge in the monastery of Lake Hayk , where the abbot, Iyasus Mo’a, prophesied that Tesfa Yesus’ son would one day become emperor.
Iyasus Mo’a, a 13th-century saint, was born in Begmender and later established a hermitage as a monk at Hayk Estifanos Monastery, situated on an island in Lake Hayq13. He would later become abba of all the monks at this monastery, thus becoming the Dean of Hayk – a high monastic position during the Zagwe Era14.
Tesfa Yesus then started working as a servant for a military general named Kela. During this time, he fathered Yekuno Amlak with a maidservant. According to legend, a disciple of Iyasus Mo’a named Silwanos received a divine vision that whoever ate the head of a particular rooster would become emperor. The next morning, the rooster was caught and given to the maid to prepare. While cooking, she discarded the head, as it was not typically eaten. A young Yekuno Amlak, driven by curiosity, found the rooster’s head and ate it. This act was interpreted as the fulfilment of the prophecy, marking him as destined to be emperor.
Colored Depiction Of Iyasus Mo’a. Source: Royal Imagery and Devotional Spaces in Early Solomonic Ethiopia The Case of Gännätä Maryam, figure 6.
Yekuno Amlak was born near the modern city of Dessie, in a town called Segerat15.
Rumours of his destiny, however, reached the Zagwe emperor, who ordered his exile to the mountain of Melot. While imprisoned there, Yekuno Amlak managed to escape, using the tails of monkeys to descend the mountain. He sought refuge at Lake Hayk and started his religious education under Iyasus Mo’a. Later on, he would sign a pact with Iyasus Mo’a and the church, in return for assistance in overthrowing the emperor. Yekuno Amlak returned to his master’s house. He proceeded to win a battle at Tach Gaynt (south Gondar) against the forces of Emperor Yitbarek, finally killing Yitbarek in a nearby church and becoming Emperor15.
The “Gedle Tekle Haymanot ” closely resembles the set of events in “Gedle Iyasus Mo’a,” though there are notable differences. In this version, the priest who assisted Yekuno Amlak is Tekle Haymanot instead of Iyasus Mo’a. Unlike the Mo’as account, where the prophecy was understood immediately, in this version no one initially understood the significance of the rooster until Tekel Haymanot explained it to Emperor Yitbarek. Another key difference is the absence of warfare; instead, the throne was peacefully handed over to Yekuno Amlak and a promise was given to Tekele Haymanot that he would grant 1/3 of the land in Absynnia16.
Be’ela Nagastat
Portrait of Yǝkunno Amlak, Wall Painting, ca. 1268–85 CE, Gännätä Maryam. Source: Royal Imagery and Devotional Spaces in Early Solomonic Ethiopia The Case of Gännätä Maryam, Figure 1.
The “Be’ela Nagastat/Negest” also recounts Yekuno Amlak’s rise to power but with some notable variations. In this version, a figure named Za’elmaknun (identified as Yitbarek) is mentioned. Only the king initially understood the rooster’s message and subsequently summoned Tekle Haimanot to interpret it. Additionally, God informed Tekle Haimanot that Yekuno Amlak was destined to become emperor. Tekle Haimanot then anointed Yekuno Amlak, who went on to wage war against Yitbarek to claim the throne.
The story is as follows:
Scholars believe that the “Be’ela Nagastat” and other accounts mentioning Tekle Haymanot’s direct involvement, rather than Iyasus Mo’a, are likely more recent additions to the story17 and may be exaggerated or fabricated. However, it is still possible that both figures played roles in Yekuno Amlak’s rise to power, as they were both important religious figures in their own right during this time.
Yekuno Amlak’s Rebellion
17th Century Depiction Of King Yekuno Amlak ይኵኖ አምላክ, 1270-85, from 17th century manuscript “The Book of Ezra”. Source
Some sources state that Yekuno Amlaks father was the governor of Ambassel – a province in southern Wollo18.
Based on available sources, Yekuno Amlak likely descended from royal lineage through his father. However, his family’s noble status seems to have been compromised—possibly due to his father’s perceived disloyalty, leading to his exile & loss of position. This situation resulted in Yekuno Amlak being born into a life of servitude. This background might explain why both Gadla Iyasus and Be’ela Nagastat describe him as working for a “rich man.”
Some traditional accounts state that Yekuno Amlak was related to Saint Takla Haymanot & Saint Iyasus Mo’a through his mother’s side, in addition to other notable priests of the time.
Despite his humble beginnings, Yekuno Amlak soon benefited from his mother’s connections to influential monastic figures, such as Abba Iyasus Mo’a. Through these ties, he was educated at the monastery near Lake Hayk under Iyasus Mo’a’s guidance. However, years later during a visit from Saint Takla Haymanot, the saint might have convinced Yekuno Amlak to move from Lake Hayk and return with him southwards, to Shewa and its encompassing lands, where he preached alongside the priest, and met influential nobility, thus gaining the trustof the people and the allegiance of local powers.
It’s noteworthy that his father was once a governor before becoming a servant to an army general. This background might have influenced Yekuno Amlak’s aspirations, including a possible focus on military pursuits. Additionally, the internal conflicts and weakening of the Zagwe dynasty, as previously discussed, may have created the conditions that enabled the viability for his rise of power & persuaded Yekuno and other nobility/monastic figures to start planning for an overthrow of the Zagwes.
According to tradition, the line of descent from the Aksumite emperors to Yekuno Amlak is as follows19:
Emperor Dil Naod
Maeharbere Widam
Agba Tsion
Sinfa Arad
Nigus Zare
Asfeha
Yacob
Bahr Seged
Widm Seged
Emperor Yekuno Amlak
Later, Yekuno Amlak was likely involved in rebellious activities before his eventual usurpation. Some historians speculate that he participated in the succession dispute between Yitbarek and Ne’akuto Le’ab20. Traditions claim that he was imprisoned at Mount Malot, possibly because he supported the losing side (Ne’akuto Le’ab) during the rebellion or because of his insurgent rhetoric. His imprisonment by Yitbarek not only deepened animosity between the two but also suggested that Yekuno Amlak was becoming a significant threat.
After his escape & during his time as a rebel, Yekuno Amlak likely garnered support from discontented nobility and clergy, utilizing his noble lineage from his father and monastic support through his mother’s familial connections (especially Tekle Haymanot & Iyasus Mo’a, as well as gathering support from local militias across Shewa, Amhara, and nearby regions. These groups were likely motivated by widespread dissatisfaction with the weakening central authority of the Zagwe Dynasty and ongoing incursions by the Muslim Sultanate of Shoa & pagan kingdoms to the south, like Damot.
This diverse composition of Yekuno Amlak’s forces is further corroborated by remnants of a manuscript written by Tasfa-Siyon of Dabra Libanos (in Shewa). This manuscript was found & translated by Conti-Rossini, it describes a portion of the army assembled by Yekuno Amlak21:
The Seven Gwedam all refer to people or places in Gafat22, suggesting that Yekuno Amlak had successfully raised a significant army from across the southern provinces of Ethiopia, including foreign powers/peoples such as the Gafat & even possibly the Muslim Sultanate Of Shoa23. Combined with the support of the clergy and nobility, this gave him unprecedented power, effectively making this southern region independent of the Zagwe Dynasty before his direct confrontation with Yitbarek24.
Thus in 1270AD25, with his forces firmly established, Yekuno Amlak organised and rallied his troops northwards into present-day Wollo and further north to the village of Tach Gaynt, where his army encountered Yitbarek’s forces. Yekuno Amlak decisively defeated Yitbarek, who was subsequently killed while attempting to escape and seek refuge in a church.
According to local tradition, the battle occurred just outside Daga Qirqos in Gaynt. Today, visitors to the site are shown two tombs: one attributed to Yitbarek and the other to Christodoulos, the Metropolitan of Abyssinia who was killed during the battle26.
Yekuno Amlak was then crowned by Iyasus Mo’a/Tekle Haimanot & given the regnal name of Tesfa Iyasus (Hope Of Jesus). First, he addressed the issue of the Zagwes, The Zagwe Dynasty did not vanish immediately after Yekuno Amlak’s victory over Yitbarek; instead, it was a gradual disintegration. A land grant found in Debre-Libanos, Eritrea, reveals that the Zagwe crowned Dilanada as their new emperor, who was supported by a council of six military leaders. This document dates to 1268, and by 1270 a new emperor named Yikiwinat had been appointed, along with a new set of six military leaders27. This suggests some form of insurgency was ongoing in the north, but it faced suppression, with rapid changes in leadership following. It was likely during this period that the majority of the Adkeme-Melga migrated across the Mereb River from parts of Lasta/Begmender to escape persecution.
According to tradition, following the fall of the Zagwe Dynasty in 1270, a migration of a subgroup of the Agaw people, known as the Tawqe, occurred. They moved northward, crossing the Mereb River and settling in Halhal, located northwest of Keren in present-day Eritrea. This area was originally inhabited by the Kunama and Beja peoples but was later conquered and settled by the Tawqe28.
Part of Yekuno Amlak’s consolidation of power involved negotiations with the remnants of the Zagwe forces. Significant concessions were granted, including exemptions from taxation and privileges for the Wag Shum (the ruler of the Wag district, akin to the Wag Hemra Zone in modern-day Ethiopia). These privileges included not being required to bow before the emperor29, receiving a silver nagarit (kettle drum) to play upon entering the imperial palace, the right to sit on a silver chair beside the emperor, and the honour of washing their hands in the emperor’s golden basin during royal banquets30.
In the north, a new power was rising around the province of Enderta, led by a king named Engida-Egzi, who began consolidating authority in parts of Tigray. By the time of his son Tesfane-Egzi, the province of Enderta functioned as a semi-renegade state, with the succession disputes among Yekuno Amlak’s sons further bolstering its autonomy. As historian Taddesse Tamrat noted, a land grant issued by Tesfane-Egzi during this period referred to Enderta as “my kingdom,” highlighting his assertion of sovereignty31.
Yekuno Amlak’s Foreign Relations
A probable near-contemporary depiction of Sultan Baybars. Source
Information about Yekuno Amlak’s reign is limited, his capital was Tegulet32 (Semien Shewa), and this was where he spent the rainy seasons, however, he travelled throughout Abyssinia, passing and consolidating power. However, foreign relations were also incredibly important.
One of his most notable actions in foreign relations was his attempt to secure a new metropolitan from Egypt. At the time, Egypt was under the rule of the Mamluk Sultan Rukn ad-Din Baybars.
The metropolitan was the highest ecclesiastical leader of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church during ancient and medieval times. Throughout the Aksumite, Zagwe, and Solomonic eras, this position was traditionally held by a Coptic Orthodox priest appointed from Egypt.
During critical periods, such as the fall of the Aksumite Empire, the absence of a metropolitan was seen as an ominous sign by the Abyssinian people. To address this, Yekuno Amlak sent a letter around 1274–1275 AD to the Sultan of Egypt requesting the appointment of a new metropolitan following the death of the previous officeholder, Abba Qerilos33. This letter was reportedly delivered through envoys who first travelled to the Imam of Yemen.
Technically only a metropolitan could ordain priests, consecrate churches & crown an emperor. In reality, this rule was bypassed in extraordinary circumstances.
Historians like Taddesse Tamrat note that the Mamluk response was cold and delayed. Eventually, a Syrian metropolitan was sent, but his clerical credentials were questionable, leading to tensions and challenges within the Ethiopian Church.
The contents of Yekuno Amlak’s letter is as follows:
In a letter to the Sultan, Yekuno Amlak mentions that he is battling the Beja. If we take this statement at face value—assuming it is neither an exaggeration nor an attempt to curry favour with the Mamluks, who may have been dealing with Beja raids in the southern part of their own territory—it highlights the extent of Yekuno Amlak’s consolidation of power in Abyssinia as early as 1274-1275. The Beja inhabited the eastern coastline of present-day Sudan, extending into parts of northern Eritrea, such as Sahel and Semhar. This suggests that Yekuno Amlak’s control/sphere of influence could have reached at the minimum reached as far north as Hamasien. A land grant from Yakunno Amlak found in Dabra Libanos Church near senafe in Eritrea, also might indicate Yakunno controlled as far north as claimed here34.
Another possible reason for the cold response from the sultan might be Yekuno Amlak’s possible interference with the sultanate of Shewa (Arabic manuscripts in Harar state Yekuno Amlak installed a new king in the sultanate)35.
Also right before Yekuno Amlak’s death, he assisted in Sultan Wali Asma/Umar Walasma conquering the Sultanate of Shewa, thereby starting the Walashma Dynasty and the Ifat Sultanate36.
The Historian Wallis Budge, mentioned that Yekuno Amlak corresponded with Emperor Michael VIII Palaiologos of the Byzantine Empire37, sending him giraffes as gifts, however, I could find no further evidence this actually happened..
Yekuno Amlak’s Monastic Legacy
Genneta Maryam Church , Built By Yekuno Amlak. Source
Besides the military achievements, Yekuno Amlak was a fervent supporter and adherent of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church, aside from granting one-third of all land to the Church for taxation purposes38 (the exact percentage/ratio isn’t known but the taxation rate increased significantly, greatly empowering the monastic class during the Solomonic era)—was his dedication to church construction throughout Abyssinia. One such structure is the Genete Mariam Church, likely inspired by the Bete Medhane Alem Church.
Yekuno Amlak gave the monastic role of Ichege (2nd highest monastic figure after the Metropolitan) to the Abbot of Debre Libanos In Shewa – Tekle Haymanot, in addition to giving the role of Aqqqabe Sa’at/“Keeper Of The Hours” (third highest monastic figure) to the Abbot of Lake Hayk Estifanos Monastery, Iyasus Mo’a.
The church is adorned with artworks and inscriptions, including one right above Yekuno Amlaks painting that proclaims:
Metta might reference to Saint Mata also known as Saint Libanos (one of the nine saints)39.
Yekuno Amlak died in 1285AD, probably of natural causes as no mention of ill intent is spoken of. He would father two sons prior to his death, one named Yagb’a Syion & the other named Wedem Arad. His son Yagb’a-Siyon would succeed him40.
Tǝḫrǝyännä Maryam was likely a wife of Yekuno Amlak
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