The Kingdom Of DʿMT/ደዐመተ (Da‘amat)

The Kingdom of DʿMT heralded the dawn of recorded history in the northern highlands of Ethiopia and Eritrea. Enduring for centuries, it laid the foundations for the great empires that followed it.

Own Work.

Introduction

The Collapse of the ‘Puntite State’

Around the second half of the 2nd millennium BC (~1500 BC), the term ḥbstjw (Egyptian: ḫbś.tıʾ.w, meaning ‘bearded ones’) increasingly appears in Egyptian records to describe the inhabitants of Punt. Some scholars hypothesise that this term marks the early linguistic formation of the word Habesha1. This may reflect the gradual emergence of a mixed, Semitised population in the northern Abyssinian Highlands (particularly in central & eastern Tigray and parts of Akele Guzay, Eritrea) from around the 2nd millennium BC.

The hypothesis of a sudden influx of South Arabians into the highlands during the 1st millennium BC is increasingly being questioned by scholars2. Many now argue that the process was instead a gradual assimilation over an extended period, a conclusion I have also reached. It’s likely that this assimilation began during the “Puntite Era” and continued throughout the first millennium BC, marked by phases of intensified interaction (such as during transitionary periods, like the one discussed below).

As references to Punt begin to disappear from Egyptian sources around the turn of the first millennium BC, this disapperance was likely due to multiple factors, most notably the onset of the Third Intermediate Period, which saw Egypt descend into political fragmentation and instability, in addition to the increased power of the Kingdom of Kush3, which may have restricted & monopolized existing inland & red-sea trade networks between Egypt & the highlands of Eritrea & Ethiopia. Nevertheless, new polities such as DʿMT (Vocalised: Daʿəmat or Da‘amat4) emerged in the northern highlands of Ethiopia and Eritrea.

Contact With South Arabia Rises

During this period, trade with South Arabia gained increased significance, likely compensating for the decline in trade with the Egyptians. This increased interaction would also lead to cultural exchange across the Red Sea. This is reflected not only in the architectural style commonly found throughout DʿMT but also in the adoption of the Sabaic script and some of their religious practices.

There is no evidence of military occupation5; rather most scholars agree that it was likely merchants and artisans from South Arabia who travelled to construct some of the elite sites and artefacts in exchange for payment. Numerous incense burners bear the names of their stonemason creators and their associated tribes—often referencing Māʾrib, the ancient city in Yemen.

For example the following inscription reads:

“Lḫy, the stonemason,
son of Yqdmʾl
Fqmm, he of Mryb
dedicated to ʿṯtr and
ʾlmqh the wealth of
his hands and his son
Ḫyrhm [… …] “

RIÉ 39, An Inscription That Mentions A Stonemason From Marib. Source

Over time, however, these cultural elements increasingly diverged from their South Arabian counterparts, eventually developing into proto-Geʽez and a distinct local culture. In fact, most inscriptions are classified as proto-Ge’ez during this time period6.

Even though excavations are in their infancy, their are over 90 “pre-aksumite” archeological sites7. Some sites, like the ‘Ona Culture’, which I previously discussed, seem to display very little Sabaeic influence at this time.

Commoners

Throughout the first millennium BC, various polities emerged in the region. Cities such as Yeha and Adulis likely supported urban populations, though the majority of people lived in villages and hamlets, which were only marginally affected by the increased influence of migrants from southern arabia8. This is evidenced by the archeological sites of Kidane Mehret, northeast of Aksum and Ona in central Eritrea, which both show minimal evidence of South Arabian influence9. The pottery uncovered in Kidane Mehret is predominantly locally produced, and the architecture found is largely indigenous10. This stands in contrast to elite centres like Yeha, which exhibit clear South Arabian connections. It can therefore be inferred that interactions with South Arabian polities such as Saba were largely confined to the nobility and merchant or artisan classes.

Pre-Aksumite Jar Found At Kidane Mehret. Source: Archaeology at Aksum, Ethiopia, 1993-7 Volume II, pg 308

Non-elite inscriptions—those made by laypeople such as farmers or local artisans (100)—outnumber those attributed to elites (70) during the DʿMT period11. Therefore the use of written language wasn’t exclusive to the nobility, actually many inscriptions can be found on pottery fragments, although they’re simple in nature.

Henzat Tigray, a bronze caldron with personal name. Source: Reconsidering contacts between southern Arabia and the highlands of Tigrai in the 1st millennium BC according to epigraphic data, pg 7

What is DʿMT?

Map Of Major Pre-Aksumite Sites In The Northern Highlands. Source

One of the most prominent polities (if not the most) of this period was DʿMT. Although little is known about this “kingdom”, certain facts can be found through the analysis of numerous inscriptions commissioned by its rulers. These inscriptions are found across modern-day central and eastern Tigray, as well as parts of Akele Guzay. References to their kings appear as far north as Keskese, as far south as Addi Akaweh, as far east as Addi Gelemo, and as far west as the area around Seglamen (west of Aksum).

It is highly likely that Yeha served as the capital of DʿMT. Not only is it home to monumental structures such as the Temple of Yeha and Grat Be’al Gebri (unparalleled in the region during this period), but as we will explore later in this article, an inscription found at Meqaber Ga’ewa reveals that a king named Waʾran was “appointed” as lord of the Temple of Yeha. The fact that this declaration was inscribed on an altar at a temple located in the far southern reaches of the kingdom, signals the importance of Yeha and provides much credence to the possibility that it was the capital.

This suggests a rather sizeable entity. However, whether this extent remained consistent throughout its history or if a single entity even ruled this territory is debated by scholars. Even the assumption of DʿMT being the name of the entity is contested12.

While other entities existed outside the orbit of DʿMT (such as the Ona culture previously discussed around modern-day Asmara, or Adulis, a long-standing port city, we know little about their interactions with DʿMT). However, such interactions are highly likely, especially given that DʿMT engaged with distant powers like Saba and Kush.

However, in my opinion, it’s very likely that at certain points, these locations stated above were all under the dominion of the kings of DʿMT, however, this was probably under the guise of local lords (known as baal during the time of DʿMT), where the majority of power reigned.

In total, seven inscriptions directly stating the land of DʿMT have been found. Three of these seven inscriptions were found near Aksum, while the other four were in Eastern Tigray13. However, many other inscriptions mention the same kings found in these inscriptions, thereby linking them to DʿMT, even if they don’t explicitly state DʿMT.

Archaeologist and historian D. W. Phillipson notes that no inscriptions explicitly mentioning DʿMT have been discovered in Eritrea, despite the presence of inscriptions referring to the same kings associated with DʿMT14. Could there have been a separate polity in the Keskese region? That remains uncertain. Nevertheless, inscriptions bearing the names of Wʿrn Ḥywt and Rdʾm were found at Keskese, indicating that some of the kings of DʿMT did, at the very least, conquer and govern whatever political entity may have existed there.

This article offers a brief overview of the Kingdom of DʿMT by presenting its known rulers chronologically. The inscriptions referencing these rulers will be examined, along with a short analysis of the sites where they were discovered. However, this is not a comprehensive study of the archaeological sites themselves; a separate article will explore some of these locations, such as Hawelti, Addi Grematan, and Melazo, in greater detail, including the artefacts, structures, and other findings uncovered there.

Proposed Lineage Of The Known Rulers Of DʿMT. Source: Reconsidering contacts between southern Arabia and the highlands of Tigrai in the 1st millennium BC according to epigraphic data , pg 8

Rulers Of DʿMT

“Throne/Naos Of Hawelti”, possibly depicting a mukarrib & the queen. Source

DʿMT’s rulers styled themselves mukarrib’s (MKRB), a title that combined royal power with priestly authority15. Widely attested in South Arabia and DʿMT during the early first millennium BC16. In contrast, “Malik” references a king; in fact, there were sometimes multiple Maliks but only one Mukarrib17, similar to how you would have the Negus Negast (Emperor) & several other Negus’s (kings), in later periods.

As we will see later, the mukarrib Wʿrn, for instance, also claimed to be ‘lord of the Yeha temple’, indicating the importance of religious authority.

The following is the titles associated with the rulers of DʿMT18:

Wʿrn Ḥywt – Malik

Rd’m – Malik & Mukarrib

Wʿrn – Malik

Rbḥ – Mukarrib

Lmn – Mukkarib & Malik

Slmm Fṭrn, Wʿrn Ḥywt & Rdʾm

Scholars infer that the earliest named ancestor was Slmm Fṭrn: both Wʿrn Ḥywt and Rdʿm name him as their father, and Wʿrn additionally traces his line back to Rdʿm. Taken together, these genealogical claims place Slmm Fṭrn at the head of the dynasty.

Although Slmm Fṭrn appears to stand at the dynasty’s head, no inscriptions in his own name have been discovered, leaving it uncertain whether he ruled DʿMT itself or a predecessor polity.

His wife, Smʿtm, is also named in the inscriptions, an important detail, as the inclusion of the wife or mother is a prominent feature in the inscriptions of DʿMT.

The significance of the maternal line is evident among the Kunama, who follow a matrilineal system. Considering their historical presence in the western parts of the northern highlands, it raises an intriguing question: could the blending of Sabaean and Kunama cultures (an interaction dating back to the time of the Puntites) have fostered a society where both paternal and maternal lines held equal importance? This is, of course, my own conjecture, but also food for thought.

Wʿrn Ḥywt

Wʿrn Ḥywt is the earliest ruler currently known which inscriptions directly mention19. References to Wʿrn Ḥywt appear in inscriptions found at Yeha, Seglamen, and Keskese, which I will now analyse further:

None of Wʿrn Ḥywt’s inscriptions explicitly refer to DʿMT, suggesting the kingdom he ruled may have been known by another name during his reign (or it might have been a predecessor polity).

Yeha

RIÉ 7, Fragment Of A Libation Altar. Source

A Fragment of what was a libation altar (an altar that drinks are poured into as an offering to the gods, you can see a complete one later in the article – at Meqaber Ga’ewa) was found by a local farmer at Yeha, It contains the following mention of Wʿrn Ḥywt and both her paternal and maternal ancestors20.

The inscription is as follows:

Source

This inscription offers little new information, aside from suggesting that Wʿrn Ḥywt may have exercised some form of authority over Yeha, an idea that also aligns with the likelihood of Yeha being the capital of the DʿMT kingdom. It is also possible that this inscription originally belonged to an altar once housed within the Great Temple of Yeha.

Seglamen & A Brief Analysis Of Religion

RIÉ 1, An Inscription found at Seglamen. Source

Approximately 10 km southwest of Aksum, at a site known as Amda Tsyon (Pillar of Zion) in the Seglamen region, a large inscribed piece of limestone was discovered. The inscription mentions Wʿrn Ḥywt, details his ancestry and provides valuable insight into the deities venerated during his reign.

The inscription is as follows:

Source

A detail not included in the Yeha inscription can be gleaned from this one: it states that the Smʿtm, the wife of his maternal ancestor Slmm Fṭrn, was the daughter of “Ṣbḥn”. Who `Ṣbḥn` could be is unknown, but it might denote her father21.

The inscription then mentions that the temple (presumably the one to which this altar once was located in) was dedicated to Hawbas (HBS), who is an oracle-type Sabaic goddess, capable of telling prophecies22.

It then claims that Hawbas was the lord of ‘ḏt, I’m not certain what ʿḏt refers to, but in my view, it might be associated with the name of a specific area, maybe where the inscription & temple once stood.

Following this, several gods are attributed for electing Wʿrn Ḥywt as mukarrib (a common trope that is seen in similar royal inscriptions of this time), a certain str is mentioned, which is in reference to the god Astar, which a male Sabean god, representing Venus, the heavens & rain23. He is even referenced as late as the 4th century AD on one of Emperor Ezana’s stelae, indicating the continued importance of this god.

Indigenous deities were also venerated by the local population, particularly among non-elites. Examples include gods such as Yfʿm (Yafʿam) and Ṣdqn (Ṣadaqan)24.

Following this, the inscription mentions Almaqah (ʾLMQH), the chief Sabaeic god, and regarded as the moon god and protector of the people25.

Figurine Of Almqah, Found At The Awwam Temple, In Yemen. Source: South Arabian Religious Iconography: The Language of Symbols and the Representation of Deities, pg 371.

Then the inscription mentions Dt-Ḥmym—likely referring to Dat Ḥimyam, a female Sabaean deity associated with the sun and procreation and fertility rites26 (Known as Shams in South Arabia).

Figurine Of an Unknown Sabaic Goddess (Possibly Shams). Source

The goddess Dt-Bʾdn, probably Dhātu-Baʾdan, is mentioned next. This Sabaic goddess is linked to the oases, nature, and the wet season27.

Lastly, the phrase “your father Wdm” appears, commonly found in inscriptions from both DʿMT and South Arabian polities, usually in reference to a fatherly figure who will provide protection. Wdm refers to Wadd, a major Sabaean god associated with love and harmony. His name is derived from the Semitic root WDD, meaning “to love” or “to be in agreement”28. Wadd was symbolised by a snake.

Religion in DʿMT society wasn’t limited to the elite; For example, numerous short inscriptions discovered in Senafe, Eritrea, show that ordinary people also expressed devotion, particularly to deities such as Dt-Ḥmym(Dat Ḥimyam) and Hbs (Hawbas)29.

A Minature Sphinx Like Object, With The Inscription “Hḥlny, son of Dfʾm, dedicated to Hbs¹”, Found In Senafe, Eritrea. Source

Keskese

RIÉ 11, A Stelae found at Keskese. Source

Located approximately 7 km north of Matara, in present-day Akele Guzay, Eritrea, lies the archaeological site of Keskese, best known for the discovery of six stelae.

One of these is a fragment of a stela that mentions Wʿrn Ḥywt. The surviving piece measures 82 cm by 77 cm at the base, with a height of 1.10 m. Scholars estimate that the original, unbroken stela would have stood around 4.5 metres tall30.

The inscription reads:

Source

It seems Wʿrn Ḥywt might have control over a large territory, stretching as far as Seglamen to Keskese.

Rdʾm

Scholars hypothesise that Rdʾm succeeded Wʿrn Ḥywt, with his inscriptions being the earliest to explicitly mention DʿMT. Inscriptions commissioned by Rdʾm have been found at two sites, Addi Akaweh and Keskese, thereby suggesting his authority might have extended across a wide region from Enderta to Akele Guzay. I will begin by examining the inscription from Addi Akaweh.

Addi Akaweh

Addi Akaweh is a village located in south-eastern Tigray, within the district of Enderta. It is particularly interesting due to the discovery of several pre-Aksumite artifacts in the area, including three inscriptions, all of which are housed at the nearby church of Enda Abba Garima.

Addi Akaweh means Village Of Rocks.

Two inscriptions are of particular relevance: RIÉ 9 and the more recently discovered ‘Addi Akaweh 1’. While their contents are nearly identical, the variation in word arrangement between them allows us a clearer understanding of both texts.

RIÉ 9
RIÉ 9, An incense burner found at Addi Akaweh. Source

Source

Addi Akaweh 1
Various Perspectives Of RIÉ 11. Source: A Pre-Aksumite Inscribed Incense Burner and Some Architectural Ornaments from Addi Akaweh (Tigrai, Ethiopia, pg 57-58

This inscription was found by a local farmer in the village of Addi Amiq, nearby of Addi Akaweh, in 199531.

The inscription is as follows:

In these two inscriptions, we find the earliest known reference to DʿMT, ruled by a king named Rdʾm (vocalised as Radiʿum), who also bears the title “king of Sʿyrt.” The meaning of Sʿyrt remains uncertain, it may be a geographical designation. However, I believe it is more likely a reference to a tribal title, because as we will see later in the article at Addi Gelemo, a ruler named Rdm refers to himself as the victorious king of ygʿd, which scholars hypothesise to denote the Gaze people.

The inscription goes on to record both the paternal (Slmm Fṭrn) and maternal (Srʿt ʿRktn) lineage of Rdʾm. While his paternal descent is identical to that of Wʿrn Ḥywt (tracing back to Slmm Fṭrn), his maternal line differs. This variation may suggest that the kings of DʿMT had multiple wives, suggesting a possible practice of polygamy in elite circles.

RIE 9 includes a section missing from ‘Addi Akaweh 1’, which mentions a certain lord named Rb, referred to as the lord (in sabaen, bʿl → baal)of w.h?. The identity of this lord and the location remain unclear, but this reference might provide an insight into the possible political structure of DʿMT, suggesting a system of subordinate lords under a central king or “Mukarrib”. This arrangement is similar to shumm (governors) during the later periods.

Next, the text invokes the east-west motif, a theme seen in other inscriptions as well. The “east” refers to the Sabaeans (Semitised peoples who occupied the eastern regions of the northern highlands) and are referred to as “red”. In contrast, the “west” is associated with the non-Semitised groups, described as “dark”. A similar dichotomy appears on the Ezana Stone, where Emperor Ezana categorises various Nubian groups using the same “red” and “dark” terminology. This distinction might be the root of later Abyssinian self-perception, as medieval texts often describe Abyssinians as ቀይሕ (“red”).

The inscription’s reference to the western “dark” peoples as immigrants appears contradictory, given their long-standing presence in the region before Sabaean admixture, however, the translation has indicated a ‘?’, meaning the translation isn’t 100% accurate. Some scholars prefer the word settlers as the meaning, maybe suggesting that the “black” people in the West were the original settlers of the land.

Even today, the western regions of Tigray and Eritrea remain home to Nilotic groups such as the Kunama.

The text concludes with the usual dedication to the gods, Hawbas, Almaqāh, Dāt-Hmn, and Dhātu-Baʾdan and protection from the god Wadd.

Keskese

RIÉ 12, Inscribed On A Stelae In Keskese, Eritrea. Source

A small inscription found on a stela at Keskese mentions Rdʾm, referring to him as king. Though brief, this inscription further attests to his presence further north.

Source

Wʿrn

Following the reign of Wʿrn Ḥywt and Rdʾm, scholars propose that Wʿrn was the subsequent ruler (though there might be other yet-undiscovered rulers who predate him). Wʿrn was likely the son of Rdʾm32, his reign is confirmed by an inscription found at Meqaber Ga’ewa, inscribed on an altar, in a temple reminiscent of the one at Yeha.

Məqäbər Gaʾəwa, located near Addi Akaweh, represents the southernmost point where a major pre-Aksumite artifact linked to DʿMT has been discovered. This finding provides important evidence for the possible southern territorial extent of the DʿMT kingdom.

Meqaber Ga’ewa

Ruins Of Almaqah Temple At Meqaber Ga’ewa. Source: The Almaqah Temple of Wuqro in Tigrai/Ethiopia, pg 15.

Meqaber Ga’ewa is an archeological site in the vicinity of Addi Akaweh, and is an incredibly interesting site because it’s the location of a temple erected around the 8th century AD for the Sabaean good Almaqah. Remains of this temple include an altar, a female statue and multiple incense burners.

መቓብር (Meq̈abr) means tomb/grave in Tigrinya, so this site is called The Tomb Of Ga’ewa (probably a locality name).

The temple complex measured approximately 35 metres in width and 26 metres in length, featuring a central gate and a front courtyard. The main shrine room itself measured 13 by 9 metres and contained an altar used for libations (liquid offerings poured into the altar in honour of the gods). The western side of the structure had a porch supported by four wooden pillars and topped with a tiled roof. Notably, the roof did not cover the entire building; an open section was left above the central altar, allowing the sky to be visible. The roof’s structure relied on four main wooden beams for support33.

Different Views Of The Altar At Meqaber Ga’ewa. Source: The Almaqah Temple of Wuqro in Tigrai/Ethiopia, pg 24.

Constructed from stone blocks, with inscriptions adorning its upper surfaces, the altar featured decorative “False Windows” and bull heads on both its interior and exterior. These bull heads served as spouts into which liquid offerings were poured, flowing down into a drain for collection34.

Archaeologists have dated the Altar to the 8th-6th century BC, giving us a timeline of when Waʾran was the ruler35.

The inscription reads as follows:

Observe the false windows on this altar and compare them to those carved into the Aksumite stelae, which was constructed over a millennium later. Were such similarities intentional? Very likely. One recurring theme in the region’s architectural history is the adaptation and reinterpretation of earlier forms in newer constructions. Just as the monumental structures of the later Zagwe period echo the style of the Aksumite stelae, it’s no surprise that these stelae themselves may have drawn inspiration from even earlier designs, such as this altar.

(Left: Altar Dated To ~800-600BC, Right: Aksumite Stelae Dated To Around The 3rd Century AD)

The inscription indicates that a king named Wa’ran, who was the son of Rad’ium (likely the ruler R’dm referenced in RIÉ 11) and the maternal son of Shakktum, had reconstructed the altar (why did it need to be reconstructed? warfare? or maybe a natural event?). He undertook this rebuilding while serving as the “master of the Almaqah Temple of Yeha” (Temple of Yeha). The customary mention of the gods follows.

Importantly this inscriptions gives further evidence to the fact that Yeha was likely the capital of the kingdom of Da’mat & the role that rulers of DʿMT had as religious authorities.

Stone Slab Containing An Inscription From Hayrhumu. Source: The Almaqah Temple of Wuqro in Tigrai/Ethiopia, pg 26.

Inside the sanctuary room at the temple’s rear, a wall block bearing an inscription was discovered. The inscription reveals that the temple was dedicated to Almaqah, it also identifies the stonemason as Hayrhumu, and notes that its construction was undertaken under the direction of King Wa’ran.

It reads the following:

Scholars suggest that Hadʿan may have been a local clan, as no references to it exist in the South Arabia36. Given the resemblance, it is tempting to consider Hadʿan as a potential precursor to the Hadefan clan found during the Aksumite Era….

Statue Of A Woman, Found At The Almaqah Temple. Source: The Almaqah Temple of Wuqro in Tigrai/Ethiopia Pg 29

Various other artifacts were discovered at the temple in relatively good condition. Among these was a statue of a woman bearing an inscription that requests healthy offspring (This statue is similar to another, which we will discuss later and was found at Addi Gelamo). Scholars believe that statues like these represented noblewomen, or perhaps even a queen37.

Scholars believe that the emphasis on venerating women in inscriptions and ritual objects reflects an indigenous trait, as it is not as prominent in South Arabian cultures of that time38.

Various Artifacts Found At The Almaqah Temple. 1: Minature Shrine Of Almaqah, with a woman depicted. 2: Various Sized Bowls, 3: Incense Burner, 4: Large Jar. Source: Source: The Almaqah Temple of Wuqro in Tigrai/Ethiopia Pg 31 -35

Wʿrn Rydn & Rbh

Scholars hypothesise that the next rulers in succession were Wʿrn Rydn and Rbḥ. While no inscriptions commissioned by Wʿrn Rydn have been found, the sole inscription attributed to Rbḥ refers to Wʿrn Rydn as his ancestor, allowing us to reconstruct a basic lineage. This inscription, commissioned by Rbḥ, was discovered at the archaeological site of Addi Gelemo.

Addi Gelemo

Addi Gelemo is an interesting archeological site located around 60km northwest of the previously mentioned Addi Akaweh. Various artifacts have been preserved here, all differing in dating, with the latest being from the third century AD.

RIÉ 8

Fragment Of An Incense Burner, Found At Addi Gelemo. Source

At Addi Gelemo, a fragment of an incense burner was found, this fragment contained an inscription, mentioning a ruler named Rbh:

The Inscription reads as follows:

Source

A king named Rbh, described as the victorious king of Ygʿḏ, is introduced in the inscription. The meaning of “Ygʿḏ” remains uncertain; some scholars suggest it should be read as “I’gz” and vocalised as Ig’azyan, an early form of the Agaze tribe mentioned later in Momentum Adulitnum39. Further, he claims rulership over both DʿMT and Saba, although it remains unclear whether he truly governed Saba or maybe if the region was part of a broader federation at the time.

If “Ygʿḏ” is an early form of the Gaze/Agazian tribe, this would mark the first mention of the tribe in history. However as mentioned earlier in RIÉ 9 , their might have been another tribe called sryt, if this is the case than there were multiple ruling tribes during the DʿMT era (possibly also different dynasties).

Additionally, the inscription declares him as a descendant of Wʿrn Rydn and records that he dedicated an incense burner to Almqhy (Almaqah ), lord of Qd.r (meaning unknown, it may refer to either a geographic location or a tribe). The text also revisits an east–west motif; this time, it assigns “life” to the east and “descendants” to the west, a distinction that makes sense, since it reflects the west as representing the descendants, of the now mixed Semitized population of DʿMT, which came from the East.

Finally, dedications are given to his wives, his household, and his fields, reinforcing the previous assumption that the kings of DʿMT had multiple wives & the importance of agriculture.

Artifacts

r/ArtefactPorn - Stone statue from Addi-Galamo, Tigray Region (dated 6th-5th century BCE), part of the National Museum of Ethiopia in Addis Ababa's collection [1989 × 1948] x-post /r/EthiopiaPics
Statue Of A Woman, Found At Addi Gelemo. Source

The most interesting artefact discovered at Addi Gelemo is a statue of a woman, likely of noble status and/or of a deity. It was built from white limestone (the colour has washed away over time), and it measures 45.6 cm40. Unlike the one previously seen in Meqaber Ga’ewa, this figure still retains its head, though it is badly damaged. An earring is faintly visible, and she appears to be dressed in a garment resembling a kemeis.

Statuette of a seated person found at the modern site of Addi Gelemo in  Ethiopia. The dress is decorated with dotted circular points which appear  to form rosettes. On the base there
Different Views Of The Statue Found At Addi Gelemo. Source

Fun Fact: This is where the bronze scepter mentioning Emperor GDR was found….

Lmn

The Last king known to us is Lmn, likely the son of Rbh40, inscriptions mentioning his rule are found at Enda Tcherqos & Addi Kaweh.

Enda Tcherqos

RIÉ 5 A

RIÉ 5 A, Inscription Found At Enda Tcherqos. Source

Enda Tcherqos, located in central Tigray south of Hawelti, is home to two inscriptions. While the second inscription (RIÉ 5B) does not mention a ruler, RIÉ 5A does, naming a king called Lmn. This first inscription was repurposed as part of a church’s walling. Carved on a large stone block measuring 1.20 meters in length, it reads as follows:

Source

King Lmn identifies himself as belonging to the tribe of Ygʿḏ, possibly a reference to the Gaze people, and further claims to have ruled over Saba, though the historical accuracy of this remains debatable. He claims to be the descendant of King Rbḥ (the king we analysed in the previous section). He also states that he “restored” a temple; however, this might not imply a reconstruction. Rather, as with the medieval Abyssinian tradition of church “restorations” by emperors, the term might refer to enhancements or the addition of ritual objects, granted by the king to renew the sanctity of the temple.

Again proposing that Ygʿḏ is in reference to the Gaze people, it seems this tribe had become pre-eminent tribal power since the reign of Rbh.

Addi Akaweh

RIÉ 10, An Incense Altar Found At Addi Akaweh. Source

As mentioned previously, Addi Akaweh is an archeological site in Eastern Tigray, it’s home to three inscriptions. One of which mentions the ruler Lmn. Specifically, an incense burner currently located at Enda Abba Garima which states the following:

Source

Though this inscription offers little new information, it does reveal the name of a deity—Sʾmn, to whom the incense burner was dedicated. This god is, however, unknown to us. The rest of the text follows the familiar formula, referencing the east, west motif found in other inscriptions and customary offering of thanks to the gods

The Fall Of DʿMT

The polity of DʿMT is generally dated to around the 8th–6th centuries BC41, with total collapse occurring by the 4th-3rd century BC42. However, some sites, such as the grand palace at Grat Be’al Gebri, have yielded pottery dated to as late as the 5th to 1st centuries BC43, suggesting that certain settlements remained occupied or in use well beyond the traditional end of DʿMT. Despite this, no major urban centres from this later period have yet been uncovered44.

Most scholars agree that around this time (late first millennium BC), South Arabian influence had all but vanished from the region45. The reasons for this decline remain unclear. Could a catastrophic event, whether political, environmental, or otherwise, have severed ties and hastened the weakening or collapse of DʿMT? While this remains a possibility, the evidence is currently too limited to draw firm conclusions. However, I will discuss below a possible conclusion I have come to.

Fall Of D’MT Rise Of Adulis?

While the exact reason for the collapse of DʿMT remains uncertain, we can infer several likely causes by examining broader historical developments in peripheral regions. One key factor was the decline of the Sabaean Kingdom, which was DʿMT’s primary economic and political partner. This began during the rise of the Ptolemaic Dynasty in Egypt in the 4th century BC. Under the Ptolemies, Egypt reasserted control over Red Sea trade46, reversing a period of instability during the mid-to-late first millennium BC when Egypt had been repeatedly conquered, leading to a significant downturn in Red Sea commerce (as discussed earlier in this article). As a result, the power of Saba reduced significantly during the latter half of the first millennium BC47.

This shift disrupted the balance of power that had initially favoured Sabaean expansion and their engagement with the northern highlands of Eritrea and Ethiopia, conditions that had helped give rise to DʿMT. As Egypt dominated trade once more, Saba and other peripheral kingdoms were increasingly sidelined48.

During the reign of Ptolemy II, several coastal regions along the Red Sea, such as Ptolemais Theron49, were brought under Egyptian control. While no direct evidence suggests that Adulis, located further south, was ever conquered, it is widely believed by scholars that Ptolemy II commissioned the basalt stele (which was erected at Adulis) as a symbolic assertion of dominance over this remote location in the Red Sea50. Nevertheless, the renewed economic significance of coastal cities like Adulis & other ports in the Red Sea likely intensified existing instability in the interior, particularly within DʿMT or whatever remnants of the polity still existed at the time.

Lastly, the rise of Meroë in the northeast during the latter half of the first millennium BC likely added to the mounting pressures facing DʿMT. Some scholars have even proposed that a conflict may have occurred between Meroë and DʿMT, although no direct evidence for such a confrontation has yet been uncovered51.

This decentralisation led to the emergence of multiple smaller polities, which is reflected in the Monumentum Adulitanum (ca. 2nd century AD), where groups such as the Gaze, Agame, and Syre are mentioned. Combined with archaeological evidence, this suggests a fragmentation of DʿMT’s central authority and the rise of independent city-state-like entities such as Adulis, Yeha, Matara, Aksum, etc, during the 4th century BC-1st century AD period52.

  1. The Ancient Egyptian Etymology of Ḥabašāt “Abessinia” , pg 10, 11 & 12. ↩︎
  2. Foundations of an African Civilization, pg 19. ↩︎
  3. Profiling Punt: using trade relations to locate ‘God’s Land’, pg 132 ↩︎
  4. Encyclopaedia Aethiopica D-Ha (Vol.2) , pg 185 ↩︎
  5. Reconsidering contacts between southern Arabia and the highlands of Tigrai in the 1st millennium BC according to epigraphic data, pg 13 ↩︎
  6. Foundations of an African Civilization, pg 37 ↩︎
  7. Remarks on the Pre-Aksumite Period in Northern Ethiopia, pg 3. ↩︎
  8. Foundations of an African Civilization, pg 24 ↩︎
  9. Foundations of an African Civilization, pg 23 ↩︎
  10. Archaeology at Aksum, Ethiopia, 1993-7 Volume II, pg 475 ↩︎
  11. Reconsidering contacts between southern Arabia and the highlands of Tigrai in the 1st millennium BC according to epigraphic data, pg 5 ↩︎
  12. Foundations of an African Civilization, pg 38 ↩︎
  13. Foundations Of An African Civilization, pg 38. ↩︎
  14. Foundations Of An African Civilization, pg 38. ↩︎
  15. Aksum : an African civilisation of late antiquity, pg 64. ↩︎
  16. Languages from the World of the Bible, pg 165 ↩︎
  17. Apologia for ‘The Sabaean Cultural-Political Area, pg 471 ↩︎
  18. Reconsidering contacts between southern Arabia and the highlands of Tigrai in the 1st millennium BC according to epigraphic data, pg 14. ↩︎
  19. Aksum : an African civilisation of late antiquity, pg 64. ↩︎
  20. Recueil des inscriptions de l’Éthiopie des périodes pré-axoumite et axoumite, pg 74 and 75. ↩︎
  21. https://dasi.cnr.it/index.php?id=52&prjId=1&corId=27&colId=&navId=937444131&wl_group=22&wl_subgroup=1 ↩︎
  22. https://wathanism.blogspot.com/2011/11/deities-beings-and-figures-in-arabian.html ↩︎
  23. https://wathanism.blogspot.com/2011/11/deities-beings-and-figures-in-arabian.html ↩︎
  24. Reconsidering contacts between southern Arabia and the highlands of Tigrai in the 1st millennium BC according to epigraphic data, pg 11 ↩︎
  25. Aksum : an African civilisation of late antiquity, pg 196. ↩︎
  26. https://wathanism.blogspot.com/2011/11/deities-beings-and-figures-in-arabian.html ↩︎
  27. https://wathanism.blogspot.com/2011/11/deities-beings-and-figures-in-arabian.html ↩︎
  28. https://ancientarabia.huma-num.fr/dictionary/definition/wadd#:~:text=The%20propitiatory%20formula%20%E2%80%9CWadd%20is,this%20site%20(Robin%202007). ↩︎
  29. Reconsidering contacts between southern Arabia and the highlands of Tigrai in the 1st millennium BC according to epigraphic data, pg 11 ↩︎
  30. Recueil des inscriptions de l’Ethiopie des périodes pré-axoumite et axoumite, pg 81 ↩︎
  31. A Pre-Aksumite Inscribed Incense Burner and Some Architectural Ornaments from Addi Akaweh (Tigrai, Ethiopia), pg 50. ↩︎
  32. Reconsidering contacts between southern Arabia and the highlands of Tigrai in the 1st millennium BC according to epigraphic data, pg 8 ↩︎
  33. The Almaqah Temple of Wuqro in Tigrai/Ethiopia, pg 14-19 ↩︎
  34. The Almaqah Temple of Wuqro in Tigrai/Ethiopia, pg 23 ↩︎
  35. The Almaqah Temple of Wuqro in Tigrai/Ethiopia, pg 23 ↩︎
  36. Reconsidering contacts between southern Arabia and the highlands of Tigrai in the 1st millennium BC according to epigraphic data, pg 14. ↩︎
  37. The Almaqah Temple of Wuqro in Tigrai/Ethiopia, pg 29 ↩︎
  38. The Almaqah Temple of Wuqro in Tigrai/Ethiopia, pg 24 ↩︎
  39. Les monuments recueillis à Maqallé, pg 18. ↩︎
  40. Reconsidering contacts between southern Arabia and the highlands of Tigrai in the 1st millennium BC according to epigraphic data, pg 8. ↩︎
  41. Remarks on the Pre-Aksumite Period in Northern Ethiopia, pg 13. ↩︎
  42. The northern Horn of Africa in the first millennium BCE: local traditions and external connections, pg 33. ↩︎
  43. Reconsidering Yeha, c. 800–400 BC, pg 282. ↩︎
  44. Remarks on the Pre-Aksumite Period in Northern Ethiopia, pg 18. ↩︎
  45. Remarks on the Pre-Aksumite Period in Northern Ethiopia, pg 18 ↩︎
  46. https://www.worldhistory.org/Kingdom_of_Saba/#:~:text=The%20kingdom%20is%20probably%20best,the%20Ethiopian%20Kebra%20Negast%20(though ↩︎
  47. Apologia for ‘The Sabaean Cultural-Political Area, pg 470 ↩︎
  48. The Oxford History of the Ancient Near East: Volume V: the Age of Persia, pg 313 & https://www.worldhistory.org/Kingdom_of_Saba/#:~:text=The%20kingdom%20is%20probably%20best,the%20Ethiopian%20Kebra%20Negast%20(though ↩︎
  49. The Throne of Adulis: Red Sea Wars on the Eve of Islam, pg 37 ↩︎
  50. Triumphal Inscription of Ptolemy III at Adulis, pg 102-3 & ↩︎
  51. Aksum : an African civilisation of late antiquity, pg 66 ↩︎
  52. Remarks on the Pre-Aksumite Period in Northern Ethiopia, pg 22. ↩︎